Over
the portico floated two home-made banners which, if the crowd could have
deciphered them, would have told it what was being celebrated that
evening. 'The Free Russian Press' was on one banner, and on the other,
'Freedom of the Russian Peasant'. The emancipation of the serfs had lately
been proclaimed by Alexander II, henceforth 'the Tsar Liberator'. After
some delay, the text reached London, and it was decided to hold 'a monster
fete' to celebrate the great event. Every Russian in London, 'of whatever
party', was promised a fraternal welcome by the wealthy tenant of Orsett
House.
The
host was Alexander Herzen, son of a Russian nobleman, founder of the Free
Russian Press, editor of Kolokol ('The Bell'), author of a
memoir-in-progress, My Past and Thoughts, and the first self-proclaimed
socialist in Russian history. Orsett House is one of a dozen addresses
Herzen occupied in London, where he lived continuously between 1852 and
1864. He was the best-known Russian exile anywhere. When he lived in
Putney (at Laurel House, 'Mr Tinkler's', in the High Street), Herzen was
in the Putney guidebook.
Herzen
gave due credit for freeing the serfs to Tsar Alexander, and if he saved
some of it for himself, this would not have been absurd. The American
liberal critic Dwight Macdonald called the Bell 'perhaps the most
effective muckraking magazine in radical history'. Isaiah Berlin, Herzen's
most distinguished and most committed cheerleader in modern times, called
him a writer and thinker of genius. Herzen was seldom modest about
himself, for that matter. ' Copperfield ', he remarked in a letter about
this time, 'is Dickens's Past and Thoughts'. The timing of the 'monster
fete', five weeks after the emancipation, may not have been unconnected
with the fact that it was the week of his forty-ninth birthday.
As
a direct result of reading Russian Thinkers, a collection of Berlin's
essays assembled and edited by Henry Hardy and Aileen Kelly (The Hogarth
Press, 1978), I was inspired, about five years ago, to try to write a play
about... Vissarion Belinsky, a literary critic of whom I had never heard.
(I hadn't long heard of Herzen, either. This was not particularly
shameful. Dwight Macdonald, who abridged Herzen's four-volume memoirs for
Knopf in 1973, checked out a few of his socio-cultural friends, and they
hadn't heard of him).
Belinsky
was a friend of Herzen. I wanted to write about him because when he
visited Paris he couldn't bear the rowdy free-for-all of the uncensored
literary scene; he wanted to get back to the punitive restrictions in
Russia where, as a consequence of censorship, 'people look to writers as
their real leaders'. That was arresting.
But
the future anarchist Michael Bakunin, the writer Ivan Turgenev and other
equally interesting figures elbowed their way into the picture. Most
interesting of all was Herzen. A year or so later, I confessed to Trevor
Nunn, who had recently succeeded Richard Eyre at the Royal National
Theatre, 'I'm writing three plays called Bakunin, Belinsky and Herzen... I
think.'
In
the event, Voyage, the first third of the trilogy The Coast of Utopia, is
centred on Bakunin and his family circle; Belinsky appears in Voyage and
Shipwreck; and Herzen becomes the focus of Shipwreck and Salvage. The
three men appear in all three plays, which are sequential but (I like to
think), self-contained, and so may be seen in the 'wrong' order (like Star
Wars ).
I
haven't counted the characters, but our designer, Bill Dudley, told me
weeks ago that the plays needed 169 costumes (to be worn by a company of
30 actors), and I've added a few since then. Isaiah Berlin is The Coast of
Utopia 's presiding spirit, but it was Carr's The Romantic Exiles, as well
as his terrific biography of Bakunin, which impelled the expansion. (There
is no general biography of Herzen in English; a glaring need.) Who, then,
were 'the Romantic Exiles', and why were they Romantic?
Like
almost everything else from the West, the Romantic Revolution arrived late
in Russia. In this country we think of the Romantics as being mostly
concerned with the worship of Nature, and (but also through) a new kind of
literature. But in Europe it was human nature which the Revolution
worshipped - for the liberation of the individual from moral and political
absolutism.
In
Moscow in the early 1830s, among the young men and women of the educated
elite, there were two related but distinct responses to Tsarist absolutism
(where there was a response at all), both of them nurtured in the student
body of Moscow University: the 'philosophical circle', and the 'political
circle', amicably decried by each other as 'German sentimentalists' and
'French frondeurs'. Both circles were tiny. The philosophicals took refuge
from unpleasant reality in the 'inner liberation' offered by German
idealism. Their most famous alumnus turned out to be Bakunin. Meanwhile,
the politicals studied the French Revolution and the utopian socialists.
Their leader was young Herzen.
They
were easy meat for the Third Section, the prototype KGB established by
Nicholas I in the shock-wave of the officers' plot known as the Decembrist
Revolt. In 1834, when Herzen was 22, he and a few others, including his
closest colleague, the poet Nicholas Ogarev, were arrested.
Herzen
spent six years in prison and exile. By the time he was deemed to have
expiated his sins sufficiently to be allowed abroad, Herzen was 34,
married to his first cousin Natalie and, by the death of his father, rich.
In January 1847 he left Russia with Natalie, their three children, his
mother, a tutor, a nanny, and two female dependents, 'in two carriages,
padded against the winter cold with fur'. Their ostensible reason for
travel was to seek help for one of the children who was deaf from birth.
They might have expected to return in six months but, of the family, none
saw Russia again. Two-year-old Tata lived to be interviewed in old age by
the author of The Romantic Exiles (1933). Her elder brother, Sasha, became
a professor of physiology and died in Lausanne in 1906. These were the two
relatively happy endings among the five Herzens who set off that January
day.
The
party was heading for Paris, the home of revolution ('I came to Paris as
people used to come to Jerusalem or Rome'). The Herzens were visiting
Italy when revolution broke out in Paris in February 1848, but returned in
time for Herzen to experience, with growing disgust, the events that were
to transform the Second Republic into the Empire of Napoleon III.
In
tandem with these public disasters, he experienced a series of private
tragedies which finally, five and a half years after leaving home, brought
him to England to lick his wounds for, as he thought, a few months.
London
was full of refugees from the failures of 'the year of revolution' on the
Continent, and it was a sad time. But Herzen had one advantage over the
rest of the exiles - he had got his money out of Russia (with the help of
a Rothschild). When he started the Free Russian Press as a way of
re-engaging with the struggle, it was the saving of his middle years.
After the death of Tsar Nicholas, Ogarev and his wife, another Natalie,
joined him in London and soon their journal, the Bell, was on course for
the emancipation party at Orsett House.
Herzen
planned a dramatic gesture at the party. He secretly intended to propose
the health of the tsar. He had prepared his speech. He knew he would cause
a sensation in the Russian world by this public, symbolic overture by the
exile to the autocrat.
A
few minutes before Herzen's guests started to arrive, news came from
Warsaw that Russian troops had opened fire on a rioting crowd and killed
many people. An atmosphere of gloom took much of the joy out of the party.
Herzen put away his speech. The next issue of the Bell denounced the
Liberator Tsar for the Polish massacres.
The
Bell was then at its peak. It wasn't much to look at (think of Private Eye
without illustrations or much in the way of layout, printed on newspaper)
but its circulation was astounding for a magazine which had to be smuggled
to its readers - it had a print run of 2,500 and some editions had to be
reprinted. It had been going for nearly four years, during which time it
pleased almost every section of literate Russian society, even in the
Winter Palace, where the tsar was said to read it; he was on the side of
reform and so was Herzen, the most visible and most eloquent opponent of
Russian autocracy.
For
the previous couple of years, Herzen and his magazine (and Herzen's
closest friend, fellow exile and co-editor Ogarev) had been wrangling with
the emerging - and militantly inclined - 'new men' at home, but Herzen was
still cock of the opposition walk.
But,
on the night of the party at Orsett House, when the news arrived from
Poland, the edifice of Herzen's reputation invisibly and inaudibly
cracked. The article he wrote about the Polish massacre (titled 'Mater
Dolorosa') was his first open attack on Alexander II in person, and the
Bell 's constituency began to fracture. For some, the Polish business was
a test of patriotism. For the 'new men', it showed what Herzen's 'ally'
was made of; moreover, they had always argued - and still argued - that
true emancipation would require the axe, not the pen. The cause of
emancipation had united disparate parties. With emancipation officially
achieved, they re-discovered what divided them.
The
Bell was no longer at the centre of gravity. Circulation dropped. When
Herzen and Ogarev and their dependents left England four years later, it
was partly in an attempt to save their magazine by moving it to Geneva,
which was filling up with Russian exiles as Alexander's regime grew
tougher, and by printing a French edition. It didn't work. The Bell tolled
for the last time in 1868. By then Herzen was not just marginalised, but
openly derided by the 'nihilist' generation, and on 14 January, 1870,
eight years and nine months after the party in Westbourne Terrace, he died
while on a visit to Paris.
It
was not the end of the story. Herzen had 'invented' Russian populism in
reaction to the failure of Western socialist democracy in the European
revolutions of 1848. By the end of the 1870s, Herzen was being re-read at
home by the generation which 'went to the people'. In the course of time,
he received a casual endorsement from Lenin, and that made him a sacred
figure in Soviet Russia. In Moscow, a boulevard was named after him.
Lenin's imprimatur was to cause some difficulty to Herzen's Soviet
editors, for the best-known absentee at Orsett House - best-known to us,
unknown to London at large - was Karl Marx.
Marx
distrusted Herzen, and was despised by him in return. Herzen had no time
for the kind of mono-theory that bound history, progress and individual
autonomy to some overarching abstraction like Marx's material
dialecticism. What he did have time for - and what bound Isaiah Berlin to
him - was the individual over the collective, the actual over the
theoretical. What he detested above all was the conceit that future bliss
justified present sacrifice and bloodshed. The future, said Herzen, was
the offspring of accident and wilfulness. There was no libretto or
destination, and there was always as much in front as behind.
Herzen
was not alone in thinking thus, but the pessimism of Schopenhauer, for
example, was not in Herzen's character. He was original among his
contemporaries in facing the situation, as he saw it, almost with relief,
even with relish. Wit and courage would be needed, but if nothing were
certain, everything was possible. The future belonged to us, not we to it.
Beyond that, nothing much could be counted on - 'only art, and the summer
lightning of personal happiness'.
Two
or three decades ago, Orsett House was accorded a blue plaque to
commemorate Herzen's residence. The Soviet ambassador was prominent at the
small ceremony and Professor Carr was there, too. Isaiah Berlin - as he
would tell friends with a chuckle - was not invited.